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Hurley v. Supreme Court unanimously 9—0 upheld the right of parade organizers to exclude groups holding beliefs that they disapprove of; in this case, the excluded group consisted of gays, lesbians, and bisexuals. At the heart of the case was a Massachusetts law forbidding discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in a place of public accommodation.

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Hurley v. The Court ruled that private organizations, even if they were planning on and had permits for a public demonstration, were permitted to exclude groups if those groups presented a message contrary to the one the organizing group wanted to convey. Addressing the specific issues of the case, the Court found that private citizens organizing a public demonstration may not be compelled by the state to include groups who impart a message the organizers do not want to be presented by their demonstration, even if the intent of the state was to prevent discrimination.

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The irony was that a president who wants only the smartest and best-looking immigrants was embracing a nation once known for sending famine-stricken, disease-laden, crime-breeding foreigners to our shores. The Taoiseach got his moment because on St. But no one in power has betrayed the Irish-American story more than President Trump.

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Twenty-three years ago, I was one of 25 gay, lesbian and bisexual Irish Americans who marched in Boston's St. Patrick's Day Parade under police escort. While some parade-goers opposed our presence by wearing t-shirts that read "90 years without the queers: Keep St. Patrick's Day straight," others welcomed us to their neighborhood.

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A private speaker does not forfeit constitutional protection simply by combining multifarious voices, or by failing to edit their themes to isolate an exact message as the exclusive subject matter of the speech. The selection of contingents to make a parade is entitled to similar protection. Petitioner South Boston Allied War Veterans Council, an unincorporated association of individuals elected from various veterans groups, was authorized by the city of Boston to organize and conduct the St.

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Key organizations opposing the radical change believe one answer can be found in the multimillion-dollar external financing program that has quietly poured money into Ireland to fund several homosexual-rights organizations sinceespecially from U. Although not as well known as the Gates Foundation, Atlantic has a similar pedigree: Billionaire businessman Chuck Feeney is giving away the fortune he made as co-founder of DFS, airline duty-free shops. One of his targets is Ireland, perhaps because his parents were Irish-Catholic Depression-era immigrants to New Jersey, where Feeney was raised.

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I often think that, like celebrities maintaining the psychological age they become famous at, clusters of diaspora hold on to the characteristics of the country they left in the decade they departed. This is certainly one explanation for the conservatism that typifies Irish-America, looking back across the Atlantic at a society that has passed them out, still clinging to the fiction of the past being present. At home, Irish people see Irish-Americans as wide-eyed and plastic. Irish identity and Irish-American identity and culture are two very different things, the latter feels regressive.

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Boston Mayor Marty Walsh, center right, greets spectators while marching in the St. Boston's mayors have boycotted the event sincewhen the South Boston Allied War Veterans Council took its fight to exclude gay groups all the way to the U. Supreme Court and won.

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As organizers of the Boston and New York annual St. March 16, Irish-American communities, particularly in Boston and New York, are known for being cohesive, having a strong community spirit, and, despite tilting Democratic come election, for being socially conservative.

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